I stopped caring about my community, my neighbors, and those I serve.
Despite a brief period of substantial government intervention on behalf of the poor and unemployed from the s through the s, for the past forty-five years there has been a steady retrenchment in these efforts, fueled trayvon martin case essay help a persistent and increasingly hostile rhetoric aimed at such programs and those whom they serve.
While the fact of less adequate safety nets is evident, a clear understanding of why the U. Among the most prominent explanations, especially offered up by liberals and those of the political left, is the historical weakness of the labor movement and the lack of a labor-based party in the U.
Stronger labor movements in Europe have been able to wrest concessions from the owners of capital and political elites that have been harder to come by here: Why has it been so much harder for labor unions to gain strength in the United States?
Why has there been no effective labor party to develop in America, even as they have been quite common elsewhere?
Why have working class consciousness and the political movements that typically flow from that consciousness been generally weaker here than in other nations? Although there are likely several answers to these questions, there can be no doubt that among the biggest is the role of racism in dividing working class folks along lines of racial and ethnic identity.
The development of the class structure in the United States has been, from the beginning, interwoven with the development of white supremacy. Indeed, a fair reading of those dual histories suggests that white supremacy and the elevation of whites as whites above persons of color, even when both shared similar class positions, has been critical in the shoring up of class division.
Race, in other words, has been a weapon with which elites have divided working people from one another and prevented white working folks from developing a strong identification with their counterparts of color.
Unless we address racial inequity and racism—and especially as lynchpins to the maintenance of economic inequity and class division—it will be impossible to solve these latter issues.
Sadly, most Americans appear not to comprehend this truism. The Role of Race and Racism in the Dividing of the American Working Class The history of whiteness as a wedge between working class persons, and as a key element in the perpetuation of economic inequity, goes back to the early colonies in the Americas.
As theologian and scholar Thandeka explainsdiscussing the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries: Inthe assembly required masters to provide white servants at the end of their indentureship with corn, money, a gun, clothing, and 50 acres of land. The poll tax was also reduced. The decision to elevate poor and landless Europeans above blacks and indigenous peoples was a conscious one, made so as to vouchsafe the position of the elite relative to the masses, which position was threatened by the possibility of cross-racial, class-based rebellion.
Fear of further cross-racial alliances led to the abolition of European indentured servitude altogether in the first decade of the eighteenth century, much as it had led colonial leaders in the British West Indies to halt the importation of Irish servants to the island of Nevis, due to previous rebellions against the elite fomented by a combination of poor Europeans and African slaves there.
To limit the prospects for working class and peasant-class consciousness across racial lines, colonial elites passed further laws requiring plantation owners to employ a certain number of whites for every African they held in bondage, thereby yoking white employment opportunities to the institution of slavery.
Other laws barred blacks from certain trades altogether, in effect reserving those for whites, further linking the enslavement of blacks to the relative elevation of whites, even those without land 1 Still other laws required whites to serve on slave patrols and help control blacks, thereby creating the perception among even poor European peoples that they were members of one big team, along with the rich.
It was a powerful trick. After all, logic would suggest that poor and landless Europeans should have recognized the economic harm done to their own interests from enslavement.Richard Martin Cohen (born February 6, ) is an American syndicated columnist for the Washington Post.
|Communities — Voices and Insights - Washington Times||Your president is cool, witty and classy.|
|Licensing ›||However, much has happened since it went up, including the Blogger outage. Scroll down for a report on that.|
|Richard Cohen (columnist) - Wikipedia||Posted on February 23, by Scott Alexander [Content warning:|
UN News produces daily news content in Arabic, Chinese, English, French, Kiswahili, Portuguese, Russian and Spanish, and weekly programmes in Hindi, Urdu and Bangla. Our multimedia service, through this new integrated single platform, updates throughout the day, in text, audio and video – also making use of quality images and other media from across the UN system.
Jun 21, · In the manifesto, Mr. Roof writes: “The event that truly awakened me was the Trayvon Martin case. I kept hearing and seeing his name, and eventually I decided to look him up. As we have seen in the United States in vibrant real time over the last several years, the media have become a battleground for the powerful to fight it out with the goal of altering public.
Throughout the Obama presidency, a chorus of writers has stood stage right, reinterpreting the era but mainly eviscerating the man.
A look inside the anti-Obama canon. There was a pretty massive shift in the s and s when northern Democrats starting supporting the civil rights movement (among other things).